E 












Against Imperial ism. 



SPEECH +> 

HON. HUGH ArpiNSMORE, 

of arkansas, 

In the House of Eepresentatives, 

Monday, February 5, 1900. 

The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Union, and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 7941) making appro- 
priations for the diplomatic and consular service for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1901— 

Mr. DINSMORE said: 

Mr. Chairman: As has been stated by the chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, the bill which has been reported from 
that committee has but few changes from the law of appropria- 
tions of last year for the diplomatic and consular service, and 
those changes are such as were suggested and demanded by- 
changed conditions since the former law was enacted. Therefore, 
there is no necessity for any discussion of the measure in itself. 
It has been reported to the House unanimously from the commit- 
tee. But, sir, I desire to avail myself of this opportunity to 
submit a few observations upon the general conditions in the coun- 
try in relation to foreign affairs and in relation to our Govern- 
ment's action toward its recently acquired possessions or those 
which it is now struggling to acquire. 

I will read, in the first place, Mr. Chairman, from the Presi- 
dent's annual message sent to Congress at the beginning of the 
present session, in which we find this language: 

The withdrawal of the authority of Spain from the island of Cuba was ef- 
fected by the 1st of January, so that the full reestablishinent of peace found 
the relinquished territory held by us in trust for the inhabitants, maintain- 
ing, under the direction of the Executive, such government and control 
therein as should conserve public order, restore the productive conditions 
of peace so long disturbed by the instability and disorder which prevailed 
for the greater part of the preceding three decades, and build up that tran- 
quil development of the domestic state whereby alone can be realized tho 
high purpose, as proclaimed in the joint resolution adopted by the Congress 
on the l'Jth of April, 1898, by which the United States disclaimed any dispo- 
sition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over Cuba, 
except for the pacification thereof, and asserted its determination when that 
was accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its 
people. The pledge contained in this resolution is of the highest honorable 
obligation and must be sacredly kept. 

So said the President of the United States, and when he used 
this language I believe that he earnestly felt what he uttered, 
that it was his purpose, so far as he was able as the Chief Execu- 
tive, to see that the faith pledged in the resolution of Congress 
that he recites should be kept by this Government. In connection 
with this message, I want to call the attention of the House to 
one or two incidents. Just after it was sent to Congress by the 




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.D6 2 



2 

nt theC 5, which lias complete control 

the Iloase, reported a resolution creating a new 

take jurisdiction of certain legislative matt 

That commitl [nsular 

AiTaii ■ to take jui iscliction of matters 

the nndi rritory of the -rates. 

ii Foreign 
Affaire had jurisdiction of all things appertaining to th" relations 

. [ Cuba. Presumably it was not 
: any doubt of the ability of the Foreign Affairs 
I --fully to manaj 

Thi red to the Committee on Rules 

and r • k. did not for the transfer of that juris- 

i to the Committee on Insular Affairs; but theCommittee 
onEnl i;nown to its members, provided by 

ion that the jui i hould be taken away from the 

Comm ign Affairs. What was it. Mr. Chairman? 

What motive impelled them to that action? The Committee on 
Rules act without some purpose. The resolution as in- 

troduced in the House, before it was report d back by the Com- 
mittee on Rules, did not provide for the transfer of the jurisdic- 
tion. 
Why, I ask again, did they see proper to make such a transfer to 

onmiittee on Foreign Affairs? The 
i ;s hands full of the business relative to other 
matters, and the CommitWe on Foreign Affairs is left with prac- 
tically, at this time, nothing to do. I am glad that, since the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Atl'airs is relieved of the business and it has 
gone to the Committee on Insular Affairs, a committee very able 
in its personnel, that our very able chairman [Mr. Hitt] was made 
i ber al so of the new committee. I am not especial ly jealous of 
th«- fact that the jurisdiction has been taken away from the Com- 
mit!. ■ on F< reign Affairs, hut I deplore the fact that this action on 
the pari of th'- Committee on Rules has an appearance of a pur- 
pose not to cany out the will of the President as expressed in his 
but to give color to a preteusion which may be later 
boldh that we have rights in the island of Cuba beyond 

the pledge of ' . and, in violation of it. that there is an 

ultimate purpose to destroy the liberties which our men fought 
and achieved for the Cubans. I do not impute 
. particular person bad motives. 
not Bay thai men act dishonestly: I believe there ifi not a 
man in" this House who, if confronted with the prop' 

; in the Pi language with reference to Cuba, 

rt that that is the purpose of I He would 

indignantly any imputation that he had any other purpose, 

time it is in the atmosphere and we hear it on all 

thai other things will happen; doubts are expressed, not 

only by the ordinary individual in the common walks of life, but 

Ighnot making the statement 
as to whether the Unite I government will ever 

relinquif b its hold on the island of Cuba. 

Why all this talk, Mr. Chairman, about who shall haul 
the fla ,.,.r ol ; i" Philippines, 

ball haul ii down, they say, whei folds hav< 

be l< tt and Q( d down. I 

mysi | U'l from Individuals the assertion thai we 

will abandon Cuba, W I that we dare not leave the 



3 

Philippines to themselves; that they are incapable of self-govern- 
ment. Are they more so than the Cubans? Admiral Dewey has 
told us they are less so. 

Now, let us consider the conditions in Cuba and in the Philippines 
at the otitbreak of the war and compare them with each other. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. Will the gentleman allow me a mo- 
ment? 

Mr. DINSMORE. Certainly. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. I should be glad if the gentleman 
from Arkansas, in this connection, would state whether he would 
be in favor of the annexation of Cuba if the people of Cuba so 
voted. 

Mr. DINSMORE.' Mr. Chairman, I say to the gentleman that 
I have for a long time, as a citizen of this country, felt a desire 
that at some time we should possess the island of Cuba; and if at 
any time I recognized that there had been a full, free, fair, un- 
trammeled expression of a desire on the part of the Cuban people 
themselves to be admitted into this Union, they coming in with a 
proper form of government to entitle them to admission, and their 
people were prepared for it, I would favor it. I will saj r further- 
more to my friend that never would I favor any such method as 
that adopted when the Hawaiian Islands were annexed, when the 
people of those islands were not consulted — nobody, practically, 
except a lot of missionaries, traders, and commercial adventurers. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. I referred simply to a full and com- 
plete vote on the part of the people of Cuba, asking for admission. 

Mr. DINSMORE. "Well, I have answered the gentleman as 
definitely as I could and, I hope, to his satisfaction. I do not want 
to be drawn beyond the limits which I have set for myself in this 
discussion and which I propose to follow in a general and brief 
way. 

But if the flag can not be pulled down in the Philippines because 
the honor of the nation is involved, and so it is said; if we have 
pledged to civilization anything in behalf of the inhabitants of the 
Philippines, is it not fully so with regard to the Cubans? There 
is at least this to be said: With reference to Cuba, we defined 
what honor demands, in the name of liberty, by Congressional 
action. Yet it seems, according to the President, that honor de- 
mands one thing in Cuba and another in the Philippines. Ad- 
miral Dewey has told us that the Filipinos are more capable of 
self-government than the Cubans. He has said that he is fa- 
miliar with the two peoples and that in his view the inhabitants 
of the Philippine Islands are more capable of self-government than 
the Cubans. Is not liberty as dear to one as to the other? 

Mr. Chairman, the Cubans and the Filipinos have suffered un- 
der the same cruel oppression and tyranny of the same despotic 
power. When we went to their relief the people of Cuba were 
in insurrection against that tyranny and so were the Filipinos, 
each having organized armies, the army of the Filipinos the 
larger one and more capable and better armed than that of Cuba, 
both struggling for liberty with the same cause, the same justifi- 
cation exactly, though their interests aud revolutionary actions 
were not mutual. 

When Cuba, which is nearer to our own borders, sent up her 
cries of distress drawn forth by Spanish persecutions, which were 
unheeded, the people of the United States, after patient and ear- 
nest protests, demanded that action should be taken on the part of 
this Government in their behalf. 

4031 



Why? For the purpose of territorial acquisition? Not at all; 
that we sp cifically disavowed; but because the condition of suf- 
fering, distress, and oppression in Cuba appealed to the sympathy 
of the most liberty-loving people on earth, a people who have 
established for themselves a government under which liberty 
abounds and whose people desire to see it enjoyed by all who 
aspire to independence and freedom. By a solemn resolution 
ogress we declared that they were and of right ought to 
be free and independent; wo invoked the power of this great 
I nment to make them so; and for fear of that spirit of greed 

which dwells In the minds of men grasping after money, we pro- 
vided in that resolution that it was not the purpose of the United 
to carry on a war of conquest or to ex* y dominion 

or contr. »1 in the island of Cuba, but to give those people freedom 
and then to withdraw our forces. 

The country is familiar with conditions existing in Cuba at the 
outbreak of hostilities, and the official correspondence of our con- 
sular officers on file in the State Department, published with other 
important correspondence, which I shall allude to hereafter, in 
• Document 62, has informed us equally well the state of 
affairs in the Philippines. The conditions were exactly similar. 
! Williams, writing from Manila to the State Department 
on February 22, 1898, said: 

was proclaimed. * * * but there is no peace and has been none for 
itions here and in Cuba are practically alike War 
lily occurrence, and ambulances brine in many 
rs are brought hero and shot with- 
out trial, and Manila is under martial law. 

Writing again, March 19, 1893, Mr. Williams said: 

Insurrection is rampant: many killed, wounded, and made prisoners on 
both Bides. A battle ship, tho Don Juan de Austria, sent this week to the 
northern part of 1. with a land force of 2,000, dispatched to 

r local forces, overwhelmed by rebels. 

* ****** 

'lion never more threatening to Spain. tag arms, money 

and friends. and they outnumber the Spaniards, resident and soldiery, prob- 
ably a hundred to 

In his letter Of March 27, Mr. Williams said: 

a conditions exist here possibly in i ldiers 

: 1 wounded daily, despite clad . and the ho 

il full. 

\\ lien our forces are to be withdrawn I can not say: no other 
ay: but I hope it may bo early. Yet I have grave 
fears that it will be never, notwithstanding the President's mes- 
jaying our "pledge is of the highest honorable obligation 
and must b i kept." We know his and his party's purpose 
in the Philippines, and wo doubt. People who will not recognize 
amoral obligation!] -not evidenced by a sealed contract 

) terms of a written bond, espe- 

cially so when the i 1 for the justification of the 

one are, if true at all. which I deny, equally applicable to the other. 
1st that we are impelled on the one hand 
In the ii a rty and on the other for the purpose of 

opprr - i « -ii and in denial of freedom? 

Mr. iri. If the gentleman will allow me 

Mr. DINSMORE. Certainly. I yield to the gentleman. 
Mr. art 1 do not ■ interrupt tho 

thread of my friend's argument, but b are always in- 

to me, and I would like him before he concludes his 



remarks to elaborate an affirmative proposition as to what, in his 
judgment, would be a proper solution of the Philippine problem. 

Mr. DINSMORE. I shall be very glad to do so, and I do not 
know that there will be a better opportunity than the present, 
because I have no prepared speech to deliver. 

Let us take a retrospect for only a moment. If there are any 
embarrassments or difficulties presented to us to-day in with- 
drawing our forces from thos9 islands or in taking a position 
which does not look to ultimate and permanent sovereignty, that 
condition is due to the fault of ourselves, and not to the inhabit- 
ants of the Philippine Islands. 

But whatever the embarrassment may be to-day, I say, without 
hesitation so far as I am concerned, that in respect to every tradi- 
tion of this Government, with respect to our Constitution, with 
respect to the Declaration of Independence, which breathes a holy 
assertion of the principles of liberty and the rights of all men to 
participate in their own government and control, in view of our 
own interests, commercial and industrial, this Government should 
officially say now — we having failed to say it formerly, as we 
should have done— to those people who are in arms against the 
United States: " It is not our purpose to acquire permanent sov- 
ereignty over you. It is not our purpose to hold you in subjec- 
tion and to force upon you a government to which you yourselves 
have objected. We will not do so. We offer to you our friendly 
assistance to restore peace and order and to establish a government 
of your own." 

That is what they expected of us in the beginning; and if that 
proposition had been made to them at any time during the prog- 
ress of this war, it is my belief that they would have come to 
terms and laid down their arms, and there would have been a ces- 
sation of hostilities. And having done this, I would make a 
treaty with that government on the part of the United States and 
withdraw from it and no longer be responsible for it otherwise 
than as provided for in that treaty. [Applause on the Democratic 
side.] 

That is easy of accomplishment. Why not? What peculiar 
obligations rest upon us that will prevent us from doing that? 

There are two arguments used, two reasons assigned on the part 
of the annexationists. The one is in the name of civilization and 
alleged humanitarianism, the other in the name of trade and com- 
merce. These two alone. 

The speeches we hear are not arguments directed to reason : they 
are appeals to sentiment, to the hearts of the people, their love for 
the flag, and they charge us with interfering with the progress of 
American arms, and we have been branded in the yellow journals, 
and even by men in high official station, as " traitors'' and '-cop- 
perheads." 

Mr. Chairman, the flag is a prolific theme. The mere mention 
of the flag of our country stirs the hearts of all Americans. When 
an appeal is made in its name by the sophist, it reaches the unre- 
flecting and carries tliem away at times. Who does not love the 
flag! We love it because it is the emblem of liberty: because it is 
the ensign under which this great country has grown in prosperity 
and wealth and happiness and power: because it stands for the 
liberty of the individual citizen and for the right of the people to 
govern themselves, and never, until this new era of dishonor, has 
it ever been emblematic of anything else. 

" Who will haul it down? " I should say that a President of the 

4031 



6 

United States, loving that flag for itself and every association, 

• things that hai 
[shed in this country— and if the simple princi] 

Constitution and our system of government . . as in 

! rowth in happini e 
■rity— that that President, unwilling that the Hag 
should stand for ai. ex than is cone th our pro- 

fessions in the past, our 1 fe as a nation . pie, should, by 

his own order, have it taken down where it 

tion of auy people on earth against their own will. [Applanse on 
le.] 
My friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Sibley] the other day made 
a very happy and eli ationist. I listened 

to him with a !o. I have for 

him the ban ling of affection, and my admiration of his 

b on that occasion was not in the least disparaged by t he 
fact that I knew lie could make just as eloquent a speech and a 
much stronger one upon the other side of the question, and pr< ba- 

dl before he IB two years older. I am justified in making 
thai statement by the fact that I have heard him make very able 

bes on two sides of a question quite as important as this 

1 have been in Congress, 
lb- glorifies the flag. lie says that he is an optimist, and I 
truly think he is. in the superlative degree. I can not, like him, 
plant myself on hope alone, and without reference to practical con- 
ditions, in disregard of the operation of legal and constitutional 

ints, forgetting our best and holiest traditions, bidding defi- 
ance to the things that have wrecked governments in other lands 
and other ages, declare my belief "that on this continent God 
has willed to plant a people who shall carry the arts of peace and 
the story of the cross to the nations of the earth*' and at the same 
time offer the sword and the bayonet as the instruments of that 
achievement. Cod hath said, •• Thty that live by the sword shall 
p rish by the Bword." 

My friend used thi o with reference to Rome, which I 

re< all, and quote from the Record: 

Mr. E have held up to ns for warnins tho history of Persia and 

..i Babylon and Borne. They have flourished and have faded. They 
had t !. g hour and 1 1:< ir i 

anded until, like a wheel, the 

&, and Africa. T; adofi .•■!•>• 

i • >m the •weaknesN 01 the periphery of the wheel, 
i m the rottenness of the hub. 

Mr. Chairman, that is exactly what we, of conservative position 
upon this question, desire to prevent for our own country — tho 
rotting of the hub. The gentleman is correct, but when the pe- 
riphery was I to snch remote bounds, when so many si 

. led into the hub, when an enormous military establish- 
menl became necessary to keep in subjection and order all this 
wide domain over which Borne exercised control, then it v.-. is that 
the possibility arose for corruptions to begin at the center of gov- 
ernmenl and the hub became nd cracked and 

. the whole Empire < ame tumbling down, a mighty heap 
Of run upon the heads of p« ople who had enjoyed liberty 1 

We would pursue a conservative, safe course in this country. 
We di i expanding our dominion away out into 

. ■ it is dangerous; 1 1 
lieve tii' 1 ' itsl Lnding armies is not only i 

sive and a drain upon thi , but that it im- 



perils their liberties; because we believe that it tempts the jealousy 
of other nations and makes us a party to the contest going on in 
the great Orient for the possession of territory when we do not 
need it for our own uses. 

I do not believe, Mr. Chairman, in the theory of commerce by 
military establishment. I believe that commerce follows peace. 
I do not believe in the trade of the bayonet: I believe in the trade 
of the pen and countinghouse. I do not believe in the trade of the 
man-of-war with bristling cannon; I believe in the trade of the 
ship that flies under the white sails of peace and friendship and 
thrift and competition, bearing our commerce to every clime and 
offering it to the world upon terms which are reciprocal^ bene- 
ficial to it and to us. This is the true theory of commerce, and no 
other can be justified. By it we maintain peace and friendly 
relations with all the world. B3' the other we constantly hazard 
the liberty of the people and endanger our Government to dis- 
turbances and embarrassments with foreign powers. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I ask the House to reflect a moment upon 
the theory of commerce as a justification of the Administration '3 
policy. If this war is being waged for money, that there shall be 
additional trade established for the benefit of those who sell and 
buy in this country, what is the price that we pay? It is not only 
the millions of dollars that go out from the Treasury to maintain 
permanent armies; it is not only the millions of dollars that will 
be necessary in the future to maintain colonies under military 
rule; not that alone; we are paying for it in the precious blood of 
our land. Who shall adjudge the value of an American soldier's 
life? Who shall place it in the scale with trade and dollars and 
material wealth? 

Who shall say how many lives we will be justified in expending 
for the establishment of the trade which gentlemen value so 
highly? The soldier must do his duty. His duty is to obey orders, 
and the President is his officer of supreme command. No matter 
what the danger, what the cause. Soldiers know nothing of 
causes. When ordered to fight the Filipino, could they refuse? 

Not tho' the soldier knew 

Some one had blundered: 
Theirs not to make reply, 
Theirs not to reason why, 
Theirs but to do and die. 

Ah, Mr. Chairman, the blunders of this Administration have 
accomplished a fearful harvest of death. The Washington Post 
two days ago gave this telegram from San Francisco: 

REMAINS OF 800 AMERICAN SOLDIERS. 

San Francisco, February S, ISM. 
A cable from Manila was received from the quartermaster's department 
stating that the Hancock sailed for San Francisco on January 111 with the 
bodies of 462 dead soldiers. The Indiana is expected in immediately with 200 
bodies, and the Ohio, with 138, arrived to-day. 

Over 800 dead soldiers brought back to their native land. Dead, 
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. Dead, Mr. President and Messrs. 
Commissioners. Dead, as a logical, inevitable result of your blun- 
dering, grasping policy. Sacrifices offered up by this Administra- 
tion in the name of trade, in the cause of greed, in the cause of a 
false and hypocritical philanthropy. I protest against it. Even 
this morning the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Bobinson] arose 
to announce that the gallant General Lawton to-day lies in his 
native eity in state, with his comrades and his friends weeping 
about him. 
4031 



8 

That great life was given as a sacrifice, an enforced sacrifice, 
by this Administration t i establish domination in the Philippine 
Islands. By what right ar 10 lives sacrificed? And there 

I een many more and there will be yet more. These boys 
who went away a f w months ago under orders, and bearing upon 
their lips the parting kiss of sweetheart, sister, wife, and m 
follow the seas by prayers of loved ones at home, are 

now returning cold and dead, bringing a pall of gloom into thou- 
of homes. Ten tho pen and mourners will stand 

about them, and pour out tears before the broken forms of those 
' sleep the Bleep I hat knows no waking." And may I bo per- 
mitted to ask of the President, of every Republican in the coun- 
try, and of my good friend from Pennsylvania, how many m to 
American lives they feel justified in sacrificing, how many more 
homes shall be made desolate, in the name of trade and "mt 

That is the price that is being paid for the domination of the 
United States in the Philippines; that is the sacrifice that is being 
exacted by the President. Is it with the consent of the people? 
Was it clone with the consent of Congress? Congress was not 
consulted in regard to the action to be taken in the Philippines. 
calamitous condition was brought upon us by the action of 
dministration, by the Ex< cutive and his officers. 
He sent his commission to Paris to effect a treaty of peace. 
There was but one thing that stood as an obstruction to the 
speedy accomplishment of that purpose. They demanded c 
of the Philippines. Under instructions, the American commis- 
sioners held the knife at I of a prostrate, beaten antago- 
nist, and holdin ,n00,000asa bribe, added to intimidation, 
induced him to yield a reluctant consent: $20,000,000 were given 
as consideration for the priviL I pretext to crush the Fili- 
pinos and force them into subjection to this Government against 
their will; $20,000,000 were paid for an excuse to sacrifice thou- 
sands of lives of Americans and islanders in the name of God and 
trade; and gentlemen call this li carrying the arts of peace and the 
both nuions of the earth." 
How does this appear to you? What kind of sentiment does it 
der, what feeling inspire, in view of all that was said and 
~q of liberty for Cuba? Now. "honor" demands 
that we must wage cruel war against the Filipinos to force them to 
submit to that which under the dictates of In. nor we freed tho 
( ub;M i it runs all through, the same character of dissimu- 
. for I must call it that; aval they 
. committed to it forever by the action of the Fili- 
-. which is but adding one degree more of hypoc- 
risy. 

.Mr. Chairman, when we have cited them to the fact that we 
gave the Filipi ve that we would assist them 

1 that we BOUght and had their cooperation 
in fighting the Spaniards, that by their aid the Spaniard was 
crushed in Luzon, they say th< re was no cooperation, There was 
a practical alliance between our forces and Aguinaldo; but this, 

A comn intrdby the President, in their ''preliminary 

t," which was Bled and n ferred to Congress by the Presi- 
dent with his -ays there never w 

for the l: pie in I luba when we as- 

reign right of all men to control their own desti- 



nies, or at least participate in that control, it became necessary 
to strike the enemy in the Orient. 

He had a fleet in Manila Bay. He had garrisons in the Philip- 
pine Islands. All are familiar with our wonderful victory in 
Manila Bay. But while Dewey held the bay Aguinaldo and his 
patriot army pressed the land forces of the enemy to the very verge 
of the sea and could have taken the city of Manila any day. There 
was no cooperation say the commission. How came Aguinaldo 
there? Go to the official reports of our own officers and ascer- 
tain. United States Consul-General Pratt at Singapore held fre- 
quent interviews with Aguinaldo before the battle of Manila, and 
through him communication was had between Dewey and Agui- 
naldo, which led to thelatter's accepting passage on a United States 
ship of war and going to Manila and taking command of the in- 
surgent army by the assistance and advice of Admiral Dewey, who 
furnished him with arms. 

Before Admiral Dewey left Hongkong for Manila Consul-General 
Pratt wired him from Singapore that Aguinaldo was willing to 
join him "for general cooperation, if desired." Those were the 
words. What was Dewey's answer? "Tell Aguinaldo come 
soon as possible." Aguinaldo arrived at Hongkong too late to go 
with Dewey, but so important was his presence and cooperation 
esteemed that by Dewey's orders he was taken on board the 
McCulloch and conveyed to Manila, What further evidence is 
there of cooperation? On July 4 Gen. Thomas Anderson, com- 
manding the United States land forces, wrote to Aguinaldo, hav- 
ing been placed by Dewey at the head of the insurgent army, as 
follows: 

General, I have the honor to inform yon that the United States of America, 
whose land forces I have the honor to command in this vicinity, being at war 
with the Kingdom of Spain, has entire sympathy and most friendly senti- 
ments for the native people of the Philippine Islands. For these reasons I 
desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to have you and 
your people cooperate with us in military operations against the Spanish 
forces, etc. 

Now, this same commission tells you that not until long after 
that, until afte'r the Spaniards had been crushed, did Aguinaldo 
or his followers ever express a desire for independence. But here 
Admiral Dewey tells you in this dispatch to the Department, dated 
June 27, that he has gone to attend a meeting of the insurgent 
leaders for the purpose of forming a civil government. 

DEWEY'S DISPATCH. 

HOXGKOXG, June C?, 1S08. 
Secretary of Navy, Washington: 

Receipt of telegram of June 14 is acknowledged. Aguinaldo, insurgent 
leader, with 13 of his staff, arrived May 19, by permission, on Xanshan. Es- 
tablished self Cavite, outside arsenal, under the protection of our guns, and 
organized his army. I have had several conferences with him, generally of 
a personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from assisting him in any 
way with the force under mv command, and on several occasions I have 
declined requests that I should do so, telling him the squadron could not act 
until the arrival of the United States troops. At the same time I ha\ 
him to understand that I consider insurgents as friends, being opposed to a 
common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for 
the purpose of forming a civil government. Aguinaldo has acted independ- 
ently of the squadron, but has kept me advised of his progress, which ha3 
been wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water recruits, arms, and ammu- 
nition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from the arsenal as 
he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct the war humanely, which 
he has done invariably. * * * In my opinion, these people are far superior 
in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives 
of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races. ___,„ 

DEWEY. 

4081 



10 

Is this cooperation? He says that he furnished him the mean? to 
get arms for bis people. That he acted independently it is true, 
but under the advice of Dewey, and Dewey commends him for the 
manner in which he is discharging the duty which is expected of 
him by Dewey and the military commanders that he shall perform. 

••They did not expect independence." Why, Mr. Chairman, 
one of the most pathetic things in the history of all the transac- 
tions, in view of what is now said and the contention of people in 
Congress and of the Administration, is contained in a proclama- 
tion of joy which the insurgent representatives in Hongkong sent 
to the people in the Philippine Islands after the conference with 
Pratt, after Dewey had gone to Manila to strike the Spaniards. 
Here it is— a part of it— of the proclamation to the Filipinos from 
their leaders, the Filipino junta, in Hongkong: 

Compatriots, 1 ttvine Providence is about to place independence within our 
reach. The Americans, not from any mercenary motives, but for t 1 

of humanity, havi osidered it opportune to extend their 

to our beloved country. Whei the American Bag flying, assemble 

mors. 

Does that read as if they hoped for independence? But that is 
not the only significance of this dispatch. Mr. Rounseville Wild- 
man, United States consul at Hongkong, had advised with Agui- 
naldo throughout, and Bays himself that he (Wildman) outlined 
the proclamation Aguinaldo issued to his people. This is his 
language: 

Immediately on the arrival of Aguinaldo at Cavite he issued a i>r 
I hichl bad outlined for him before he left, forbidding pillage an 

offense to maltreat neutrals. I fe, of course, i irganized a gov- 
ernment of which he was dictator, an absolutely necc-sary step if he hoped 
to maintain control over the natives, ami from that date until the present 
time he has been uninterruptedly successful in the field and dignified and 
lust as the head of liis government. According to his own statements to rue 
by letter, lie has been approached by both the Spaniards and the (.lermans, 

and has had tempting offers made him by the Catholic Church. He has l n 

ed very closelyby Admiral Dewey, Consul Williams, and his own junta 
here in Hongkong, and nothing of moment has occurred which would had 
anyone to believe that he was n<>t carrying out to the letter the promises 
made to mo in this consulate. 

Here is proof both of abundant cooperation and of the hope 
and expectation of the Filipinos from the first for independence. 

Does it appear that they wanted independence? Were they jus- 
tified in sending their proclamation from Hongkong? They" w< re 
justified in every view; by the position we had taken with refer- 
ence to Cuba, by the solemn promise of the Congress ol the United 
in reference to Cuba, because they were exactly in the 
condition thai we found the Cubans. They wanted us to assist 
them to independence and then withdraw. 

Does anybody believe any Filipino insurgent or leader thought 
thai our people had any other purpose than that? I toes any mem- 
ber believe that Admiral Dewey ever expected anything else to 
occur? Do you believe that Otis, or any other general in com- 
mand of the land forces, expected anything else? To have taken 
a position at the time these difficulties first occurred that we 
Would pursue any other course than that which we pursued 
toward Cuba WOUld have been an insult to the dignity and fair 

name of the United Stato s( tovernment The Administration con- 
tends that the Filipinos opened hostilities against us. 

To say so is no1 true, we began them ourselves. Wefiredthe 
first shot. A soldier from a Kansas regiment Qredupon a Filipino 

patrol between fche Lines Of the American and insurgent forces. 
4081 



11 

The fire was returned, and a number of the native soldiers were 
killed. Aguinaldo immediately expressed to General Otis his regret 
atthe occurrence, distinctly disavowed any purpose of hostility, and 
offered to move his lines back as far as the American commander 
desired. Honor between men, honor between nations, honor in 
every sense demanded that this proposal should have been recog- 
nized in the interest of peace. But it was not. General Otis 
made the cruel reply that since the fighting had commenced, it 
must go on to the bitter end. That end is not yet reached, and 
Otis is responsible. 

Let us look a little further. These things are being done m the 
name of "benevolent assimilation" and other high-sounding 
phrases. 

The President of the United States appointed his commission 
and sent them out to the Philippine Islands. That commission 
reports that the people of the Philippine Islands never dreamed 
of independence till after the Spaniards had been crushed and we 
had taken possession of Manila. The records tell you differently. 
The Singapore Press, reciting interviews between our officials and 
Aguinaldo, their correctness vouched for by United States Consul- 
General Pratt, controvert the statement. The proclamation of 
the Philippine representatives, made public to the world, tell you 
differently. The very struggle of those people striving for liberty 
itself gives the lie to the commission's statement. 

After the Spaniards had capitulated, but before the treaty was 
concluded, the President issued a proclamation and sent it over to 
be promulgated by General Otis. General Otis took a very ex- 
traordinary liberty with that proclamation— a liberty which he 
was justified in taking in the cause of fairness and honesty, and 
for the purpose of preserving the good name of our country. 
Whether that was his motive must be ascertained by all that he 
said and did taken together, but it might well have been. That 
he did so is not denied. He himself reports the manner in which 
it was done. What does he say? General Otis reports- 
After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of 
the Tagalos.'with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the 
friendly intentions of the United States Government toward them, I con- 
cluded that there were certain words and expressions therein [the President s 
proclamation], such as "sovereignty," "right of cession," and those which 
directed immediate occupation, etc., which, though most admirably employed 
and tersely expressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by 
the Tagalowar party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives. The 
ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain words, as ' sover- 
eignty," "protection," etc., had peculiar meaning disastrous to their welfare 
and significant of future political domination, like that from which they had 
recently been freed. ,,,.,.„-,. j- ±i 

It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be justified in so amending the 
paper that the beneficent object of the United States Government would be 
brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion 
was The more readily reached because of the radical change of the past few 
days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, which could not have 
been understood at Washington at the time the proqlamal ion was prepared. 
It was also believed that the proclamation had been induced partially by the 
suggestions of the naval authorities here, which thrco weeks previj 
while affairs were in a specific and comparatively quiet state 
mended "that the President issue a proclamation defining tho policy of the 
United States Government in the Philippine Islands and assuring the inhab- 
itants that it is our intention to interfere as little as possible in the internal 
affairs of the islands; that as soon as they developed their capability tor 
self-government their powers and privileges will be increased. I hat will 
allay tho spirit of unrest." 

What " beneficent object?" We could only have two pur- 
p 0ge3 _one to assist those people in accordance with our pledge to 
4031 



12 

the < labans to establish a free government for themselves ami tbe 

i take away from them their liberty. OneortheotJ) 
these must be our pur] oe . Jt developed in the President's proc- 
lamation that the purpose of the United States was to take away 
their liberty. But General Oti prise this 

purpose; we must bo ami nd this proclamation that the Filipinos 
will not be misled and the benevolent purpose of the United States 
be misunderstood." 

Why, Mr. ( lhairman,I can not believe otherwise than that ( ten- 
era! Otis ;it tin- lime he took this liberty with the Presidents 
P r " I that the language "used by the President 

did not convey the purpose of the Administration. As a libertv- 
loying man. as a Belf-respi cting American citizen bearing a com- 
mission from his Q ; even in taking the 
posit i on that th- President used terms which he did not intend to 
use. If that was not his understanding, then his words winch I 
have quoted are used as irony. 

The sarcasm, the biting, burning sarcasm, with which he blisters 
the President of the United States in that dispatch amounts to 
insubordination for which he might have been court-martialed. 

But, Mr. Chairman, a peculiar temper pervades the mind of the 
annexationist of to-day. It is needless to stand here and discuss 
the analogies between the acquisition of the Philippines and the 
acquisition of the Louisiana purchase. Why not come up and 
consider this oiiestion upon its merits? 

Everybody knows that different reasons existed in the two cases; 
that different objections obtained. I shall not pan-' tod 
that phase of the question. The first ouestion is. Do we need the 
Philippines; and if so. for what purpose? The second is. Have we 
the right, under the Constitution, to acquire them? And a third 
question is, If we have the right, ami it we have a need for them 
can we. under our traditions, under the broad pledge of this 
great Union of States, under every observance by which we have 
grown great and Bferong and mighty as a nation, afford to tear 
down the beautiful temple of liberty which we ourselves have 
constructed and make it a waste place and a burying ground for 
the blasted hopes of humanity— for the dead aspirations of those 
who nave striven for freedom? 

The President and his commission would have us believe that 
the natives— those engaged in resistance to our arm- -are brutal 
and cruel and have no conception of free government, nor desire 
font, ami that if we withdraw, chaos would follow and law- 
less run riot; that they are incapable of forming a government 
To refute this we have not only the direct testimony of Admiral 
Dewey, but h( Leers whom he sent on 

atourol inspection of 600 miles in the interior, where the Ta ral 
government was in force. 

_ I shall not go into a discussion of the constitutional questions 
involved is the Administration's purpo i -. My object i» only to 
make plain what it is intended shall be done and how, and to ex- 
pose the insincerity of t be motives and plans, that the American 
people, who must ultimately determine this question for them- 
selves, may know what thev are to pass upon. 1 said a moment 
ago thai a peculiar temper prevails. Men are inspired these days 
with jjreal contempt for constitutional obstructions. Gh utiemen 
of this Souse have been busy for weeks and are still engaged in 
seeking some constitutional for imperialism, lor holding 



13 

subject provinces by military power. If they fail, and they will, 
I nevertheless expect to hear them assert it. They should, if they 
intend to persist in their purpose, be as honest as Mr. Whitelaw 
Reid. During the summer I received a copy of a speech deliv- 
ered by him before the Miami University, in Ohio, upon the sub- 
ject of the duty of the American Government in the Philippine 
Islands. 

Mr. Reid takes up this question of constitutionality and the 
rights of the United States to acquire territory for purposes other 
than that of statehood. Under the Constitution, according to the 
contention of some, and as I myself believe, as interpreted in the 
decisions rendered by Chief Justice Marshall and followed by 
the Supreme Court in other decisions, our constitutional power is 
limited to acquiring territory for statehood. But I care not to 
discuss that. I am showing now the temper which possesses the 
minds of men. Mr. "Whitelaw Reid takes up these decisions and 
refers to what Jefferson and Madison said. He comments upon 
what Senator Hoar has said and upon the decisions of Chief Jus- 
tices Marshall and Taney, and he uses this startling language. I 
quote from memory: 

I would not by a hair's breadth disparage the weight to be attached to the 
opinions and decisions of these learned men; but I can not believe that any 
ionat© person can read these decisions and opinions in the light of sur- 
rounding circumstances and the conditions under which they were rendered 
and expressed and come to any other conclusion than that they are flimsy as 
a cobweb. 

Behold. Mr. Chairman, a greater than Washington is here, a 
more profound and learned jurist than Marshall, a greater patriot 
than Jefferson, a wiser than any of the fathers— the gentleman 
who assisted in negotiating the treaty with Spain at the dagger's 
point and wrested from her her poor title to possession which she 
was not able to maintain against the insurrectionists themselves 
and to enforce her authority beyond the narrowest limits. 

Not only does Mr. Reid say this; he goes further, and makes 
assertions each more startling and dangerous. I am sorry that I 
have not here a copy of his address. I tried to procure it, but 
was unable to find it in the Library or elsewhere. I state it from 
memory, but I pledge myself to the correctness of its substance, 
if I do not give it in the exact language, and I can almost do that. 
In speaking of the purposes of this Government and our possi- 
bilities as a nation, he says: 

Neither chains forged in the Constitution, nor chains of precedent, nor yet 
the dead hand of the Father of his Country, whom we all revere, can prevent 
us as a nation from doing anything that any other nation could do or meeting 
any emergency which arises or discharging any obligation which imposes. 

There you are! What useful function is left for the Constitu- 
tion? 

What is meant, Mr. Chairman, by this? When an emergency 
arises, the Constitution, if it stand in the way, will be disregarded. 
If an obligation imposes, we will discharge that obligation without 
reference to the organic law of the land— throw it aside, just as 
his colleague and compeers have cast aside the Declaration of 
Independence and trodden it under foot. We will not be bound by 
chains forged in the Constitution. We will perform our purpose, 
whatever that purpose may be. 

Mr. Chairman, who is to determine when the emergency arises? 
4031 



14 

Who is to decide when an obligation is imposed? If we cast our- 
a loose from all moorings to constitutional safeguards, then 
we are left to the opinion of any hare majority which m 
control of the affairs of I at, and in this instai 

should o the dictation of a class of statesmen whom I for 

one am unwilling to intrust with the sacred rights of the 
unrestrained by "chains forged in the Constitution." 

The CHAIRMAN (Mr. Allen of Maine). The time of thegen- 
lired. 

Mr. ('LARK of Missouri. I ask unanimous consent that the 
gentleman have leave to finish his remarks. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Missouri asks unani- 
mous consent that the gentleman from Arkansas be allowed to 
finish his remarks. ].s there objects n? 

There was no objection. 

Mr. DINSM< >KE. Are the Filipinos to become citizens under the 
irder of things, enjoying equal rights with as? Nobodywill 
d< nough to propose that. Mr. WhitelawReid.inthea-l.il-. iss 
to winch I have referred, says that "it is not to be considered or 
thought of; they are not fit for it; they can not be mad.- so;" and 
he holds that they should be held as a subject province under the 
dominion of the United States, suffering such impositions as we 
impose upon them, and denied the blessings that are enjoyed by 
our citizens. Is this Americanism? When did it become SO? 

Why, Mr. Chairman, the very thing our fathers fought against 
axation withoul representation. Canit bethatEnglam 
no right in justice or morals to impose such burden:; upon us who 
onfessedly her subjects, and that we may honorably and 
rightly exercise Buch power over the Filipinos, who have never 
0W( d us any kind of allegiance'.' I am sorry iudeed to find people 
who seem to think so. 

Have we air ady advanced the car of liberty so far that we may 
now reverse its wheels? Have we done so much for the fair god- 
dess that we may now turn and rend her? Oh. that patriotism 
might inspire the hearts of Americans with love of country rather 
than desire for conquest and greed for ill-got gold! 

Oh that our people might be governed now. as in the past, by 
theoie i make of this a great proud republic, wl 
ver abide and the happiness of our citizens at h. i 
chiefest aim, the first purpose of the laws, shall our flag, thai 
we all love because it has ever been the emblem of liberty, of 
the universal equality of man, of his right to govern hiinse 
the immortal principle that government derives its just p 
from t at oJ the governed, whose bright constellation and 
flowing stripes remind us of our growth in power and dominion 
and happiness, while adhering to the safe traditions grown out 
o! the Declaration of Independence- shall it be the ensign thai 
shall fioal over the heads oi pe »ple held in subjection to our laws 
tarj power againsttheir will, laws that discriminate against 
tiiem and <l. ny them participation in the blessings thai we enjoy? 
God preserve it from such disgrace. God restrain our people from 
the p< rpetration of such a wrong. God make us strong in the 
future, as we have been in the past, tor tl stabliahmentand pro- 
motion of liberty in our own land, by the light of our example in- 
spiring it thro ighout all the world. [Loud applause. 1 

-Mr. BOl FELL of Illinois. 1 wish to ask the gentleman one 
question, if he will answer it. 



15 

Mr. D1NSM0RE. With pleasure, if I can. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. There is, of course, a great diver- 
sity of opinion among those who are honestly seeking to arrive 
at a conclusion as to the most honorable course to be pursued in 
the treatment of the Philippine Islands, both immediately and in 
the future. Is it the gentleman's view that the United States 
troops in the Philippines should be immediately withdrawn and 
leave the Filipinos absolutely to their own devices? 

Mr. DINSMORE. Immediately? 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. That they be immediately left to 
their own devices? 

Mr. DINSMORE. I do not think they ought to be immediately 
withdrawn. I have already stated to the House that I think our 
course with reference to them should be the same as our course 
was promised to be to Cuba, whether we ever fulfill it or not. I 
hold that the highest and first duty of the American Government 
is to our own people, without reference to what may happen to 
anybody else. [Applause on the Democratic side. ] 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. I would like to ask the gentleman 
one further question. Would the gentleman be in favor of the 
retention of the Philippines at the request of the Filipinos? 

Mr. DINSMORE. Oh, well, Mr. Chairman, that is the same 
question propounded with reference to Cuba. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. I am asking it honestly and sin- 

Mr. DINSMORE. I would not. If I could be satisfied that a 
substantial majority of Cubans should desire it, I might be willing 
to take them; but the Philippines, so remote from us— I care not 
what may be said about the obliteration of time and distance in 
communication— and so near to other powers struggling for su- 
premacy in the Orient, I would not be willing to take under any 
view. 

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. So numerous and so alien. 

Mr. DINSMORE. Yes; so filled with people who never can be 
homogeneous with us. I do not want them. I think they would bo 
an injury rather than a blessing to us. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. Does the gentleman from Arkansas 
think that if we retained the Philippines with the consent of the 
Filipinos it would be of commercial advantage or disadvantage 

to this country? . ... 

Mr. DINSMORE. I think it would be an absolute impossibility 
within years to come for us to know whether we had the consent 
of the Filipinos, particularly while we are in military occupation. 
Let me say that I do not care how much they might desire it. I 
should be opposed ever to taking them, because I think it would 
be a menace to us and a danger, without compensating advantages. 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. I agree with the gentleman that it 
may be difficult to ascertain the opinion of all the Filipinos; but 
supposing by a proper plebiscite they should request retention by 
the United States, does the gentleman think it would be to the 
advantage or the disadvantage of the United States from a com- 
mercial point of view? 

Mr. DINSMORE. I do not think it would be of any advantage 
to us from a commercial point of view. I have already stated that 
I believe that healthful, desirable, profitable trade follows peace 
rather than war, thrift rather than force, and that we should main- 
tain relations of peace with the world and adhere to the injunction 
4031 



L6 

of our f athers to keep free from entangling alliances. I believe 

thai an adherent Monroe doctrine rather than a departure 

u would promote our commerce, our happiness, and our 

One more word in closing. Mr. Chairman, I have a horrible 
fear that if this thing is don.-, it may be the beginning of thi 
It will be done nnless pri vented by the people in the ensuin - 
tion. The the Administration lias gone forth. I 

Americans deprive other people of liner 

r our own. Pi view of my friend from 

Pennsylvania [Mr. SibleyJ is the correcl one, but mine at least 
accords with history in the past, and his is based only upon hope 
and pride of race. [Applause.] 

o 




V A*, yy ft 

SHALL AMERICA BECOME A TYRANT NATION? 



SPEECH 



HON. THOMAS CUSACK, 



OF ILLINOIS, 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



MONDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1900. 



4272 



WASHINGTON. 

I 9OO. 




£7/3 
.C92 



SPEECH 

OF 

HOX. THOMAS CFSACK. 



The House- being in Committee of the Wl le H ^tate of the 

Union, and bavins asideration the bill <H. H. 8245) to regulate the 

trade of Puerto Rico, and for oth.-r pur,' 

Mr. CCTSACK said: 

Mr. Chairman: The lawyers of tliis House have spent many 
days in arguing the technical questions involved in this bill, anil 
gentleman on this side bave presented their legal objections to it. 
13ut ii needs no lawyer to explain why the bill should not pass. I 
am utterly opposed to it because I believe in keeping our promises. 
The man who breaks his word can not hope to have the respect of 
his neighbors. The nation whicb breaks its pledges to a weaker 
people will receive the condemnation of history. 

When we entered upon the Spanish war we called upon the 
world to witness thai we took up arm- for a high and humane 
purpose— to relieve the people of the island oi i !uba fr< >in the mur- 
derous oppression and cr Spain. As an incident of that 
war we occupied Puerto Rico, and the inhabitants of that island 

i us no resistance. They welcomed our troops as bri 
to them the blessings which, we always boasted, go with our flag. 
The general commanding the Army made to those people the 
r penned by a hand that carried a sword. 
What did he say'.- Listen: 

Hbai "i the Army, 

■fo Rico, J 
To thi inhabitants of Puerto Rico: 

In ti in of the war against the Kingdi m of Spain by the people 

of the 1 ■ liberty, justice, and humanity, its mili- 

tary foi py the island of Puerto E 

Lag the banm in, inspired by a noble purpose. * * * They bring 

you the fostering arm of a ual I power i^ in 

ad humanity to aU those Uving within its fold, * * * to bring 

you pi ■• only t>> > r property, t<> promote 

your prosperity, and bestow upon you the immunities and blessings of the 

liberal institutions of our Government. * * * This is not awarofdevas- 

give t<> all within the control of its military and naval 

the advantages and bl Ivilization. 

NELSi >X A. MILES, 
tfaJor-Oeneral Commanding Unit Army. 

And following this, President McKinley used almost the same 
words when hi 

The! 1 faith demand that we should 
not disappoinl ring In our prosperity with 
which the people of Puerto Rico so gladly tram e to the 

i . States, and that we should treat the Interest of this] pie a~ mir 

own; and 1 wish most i nrt.'.' that the customs di. 

Puerto Kir, .and t 1 be removed. 

How beautiful a picture was here pr ne that would 

have made glad the hearts of all the lovers of liberty and justice 

4272 



b r 

n 3 

, « from the time of those who on these shores first resisted unjust 

l_j and unequal taxation by the English kim 



t3 



But the same hard, .selfish influences which seem to control 
everything that the Republicans have done lately have whispered 
to the Ways and Means Committee that these promises must not 
be carried out, and in spite of the plain terms of our Constitution, 
we propose to begin a'policy of unequal taxation in our Terri tories, 
a policy as different from the spirit of our institutions as darkness 
is from light. 

This is the beginning. What will be the end? Ah. Mr. Chair- 
man, when nations desert the plain path of duty, when the strong 
oppress the weak for selfish ends, they begin to work their own 
ruin. In following the example of the greatest tyrant of all the 
earth, in imitating England's course toward weaker countries, we 
harm ourselves more than we do those whom we oppress. Are 
we to treat Puerto Rico as England has treated Ireland? Are we 
to darken the humble homes of that beautiful little island? One 
of the witnesses from Puerto Rico, whose testimony is before us, 
says: 

Since the United States has had the occupation, I am sorry to say. we have 
gone backward; two years ago we were certainly a great deal more pros- 
perous than we are today. There is a great deal more poverty than there 
was two years ago. 

Mr. Chairman, our Government is in bad company and follow- 
ing a bad example. During the past two years we have heard a 
great deal about an understanding between the United States and 
England, and in Puerto Rico we see our Government doing some- 
thing very similar to that which England tried to do to the Amer- 
ican colonies a century and a quarter ago. Not only that, but our 
Government, which made such fair pretenses when it went to war 
with poor old Spain, because that country was unjust to Cuba, 
seems strangely blind to the cold blooded murder which England 
is now committing in South Africa. 

It is said that England performed some service for us during 
the Spanish war. I ask any man to point out what that service 
was. when it was performed, where it was performed, and by 
whom? Our Srate Department is now presided over by a man 
fresh from the flattery and social attentions of English drawing- 
rooms. Is it not a strange and humiliating coincidence that al- 
most as soon as England began her attack upon the Boers, the 
American consul to the Boer Republic, who protested against I !ng- 
lish meddling with his official mail, should be removed and our 
late ambassador to England should send his own son instead? 

Mr. Macrum. who has 1) en so summarily and mysteriously dis- 
placed, to be succeeded by the son of our Secretary of State, is too 
old fashioned in his ideas of freedom and independence to suit the 
spirit of these times, it seems. He says: 

1 had the humiliation, as the representative of the American Government, 
of sitting in my office in Pretoria and looking upon envelopes bearing the offi- 
cial seal of the American Government opened and officially sealed with a 
sticker, notifying me that the contents had been read by the censor at Dur- 
ban. * * * when I accepted my post as consnl i knew nothing - 
secret alliance between America and Great Britain. 

Mr. Chairman, what a spectacle is here presented! It has been 
our boast that whatever other nations did we at least were the 
friends of freedom everywhere. But now we are blind to the 
crimson streams of South Africa and deaf to the roar of English 
cannon. In the war now raging there we see a plain, free repub- 
lic, such as ours once was. struggling against the greatest robber 
4272 



of all the ages, who simply says: "Your gold ami diamonds or 
your lives; and 1 think, as yon are in the way. I'll take yonr lives 
anyway! " 

in all the history of the world there is no Bight more pitiful than 
that of the heroic Boers, fighting like the humble heroes they are 
against overwhelming numbers. Who can read the story of those 
people and not !»■ moved to admiration and to indignation? 

When English oppression in Cape< !olony became unbearable to 
the liberty-loving Boers many years ago, they asked the English 
Government. -'What do you claim to be the northernmost bound- 
aryof English territory in South Africa?" The English Govern- 
ment rep. led. "Our northernmost boundary is the Vaal B 
"Very well." responded the Boers." we will leave our homes and 
the -raves of our fathers and go beyond the Vaal. and all we wish 
there is to be let alone." 

They went. and. as if to warn them of future danger, every night 
on their long journey thev had to post sentinels to protect th< ir 
Qocks and herds from the attacks of the cowardly and treacher- 
ous lions which are England's emblem, and which well illustrate 
her methods, always skulking on the outskirts, ready to pounce 
upon the helple 

Beyond the Vaal. in a country too poor to tempt even England s 

greed, these sturdy i pie established their newhomeand set up a 

republic as simple as ours used to be. If gold and diamonds had not 
been discovered there, theymighl yet beat peace on their quiet 
farms and have no use for their rifles except in the noble art of 
the chase. But now thev are being held up. the victims of the 
ereal highwayman of the world: and while every man who loves 
justice must admire the 1 toers for their plucky defense < if Ik -me and 
country, our Government stands idly by, nol offer ngtomakeapro- 
test, nol '-ven trying, in a friendly way. to stop the unequal co 

If we were justified in armed intervention against Spain, fight- 
ing from motives of national pride to maintain her ancient rule in 
countries which for centuries had been hers, how much mo 
national honor and pood conscience impel us to use all peaceable 
means to Btop a warfare, merciless and hateful, waged from mo- 
tives of national -reed on the one side againsl a brave, tree people 
in a sister republic on the .alar: 

Are not our proposed injustice toward Puerto Rico and our 
indifference to England's wanton attach on the South African 
Republic the visible signs of the beginning of a policy on our 
part which will inevitably land us among the tyrant powers of 
the earth'.- And will not all liberty-loving nun in this country 
rise up and repudiate an Administration which places us in such 
di -graceful company'.- 
1278 

O 



• 



BRARY OF CONGRESS 




